XII. The emigration of Macedonians to lands outside Greece
2. Greek- and Vlach-speaking immigrants in the countries of the Northern Balkans
1. ( Koutsovlachs ( Ἑλληνόβλαχοι ) )
2. ( Greek merchants )
3. ( Hellenic civilization and way of life )
4. ( Wallachia and Moldavia )
5. ( Hungarian towns )
6. ( The Greco-Vlach community of Buda and Pest )
7. ( Austria )
1. Α good number of these Macedonians settled abroad spoke Vlach, a language in its own right, of Latin origin and akin to the other Romance languages of Western Europe and Rumania. These are the people called Koutsovlachs. Apart from their mother tongue they also speak Greek. These Vlach-speaking inhabitants of Western and Central Macedonia and of Thessaly probably represent native populations who have been Latinized [1], but who have marked Greek feelings and are known by the name Ἑλληνόβλαχοι.
Most of the information about the Koutsovlachs who had settled in Serbian and other Yugoslav territories I have taken from the book of D. Popović (a Koutsovlach himself from Kruševo) about the Cincars (Koutsovlachs). Living as he does in Yugoslavia, Popović is well disposed to that nation, though he displays a marked antipathy towards the Greeks. Yet in spite of this, he is forced to recognise the identity of feeling between Koutsovlachs and Greeks. Thus he writes that the Koutsovlachs are very proud of their Greek ancestry, that they often refer to their glorious Greek past and record the names of the great figures of ancient Greece and the Fathers of the Church [2]. In the Greek struggles for freedom and particularly during the War of Independence the activities of the Koutsovlachs cannot be separated from that of the other Greeks.
Though living in a foreign land, the heart of every Koutsovlach, like any other Greek, was orientated towards Greece [3], and he followed with sympathy and enthusiasm the dramatic moments of her history [4]. Popović mentions a liqueur-maker who had put on his firm's labels the name 'Karaiskakis' (one of the Greek leaders in the War of Independence) with a portrait of the hero besides the name [5]. Such great benefactors of Hellenism as Pangas, Averov, Sinas, Tositsas, Stournaras, who
1. Vacalopoulos, Ἱστορία, vol. 1, pp. 35-36.
2. D. I. Popović, On the Cincari (in Serbocroat), 2nd edit., Belgrade 1937, pp. 18 ff. Concerning the Vlachs and their relations with the Transdanubian pricinipalities see A. N. Hâciu, Aromânii, Focşani 1936, in which they are considered as members of the Rumanian race.
3. See many interesting facets of the Koutsovlachs' Greek consciousness in Popović, ibid., pp. 19-22.
4. Popović, ibid., p. 179.
5. Ibid., p. 56.
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have founded notable cultural institutions or have made great donations to Greece, are of Koutsovlach origin [1]. From the lands where they have established themselves and made their fortune such men have frequently demonstrated their feelings of gratitude and donated money for a variety of socially benevolent works, especially the foundation and upkeep of educational and ecclesiastical establishments [2]. Α number of their foundations survive to this day.
So interwoven were the identities of Greek and Koutsovlach that in countries outside Greece their neighbours hardly knew to which of the two peoples the foreign immigrants belonged. Even their descendants often did not know whether their forefathers had been Greek or Koutsovlach. It is an indisputable fact, and one generally accepted by foreign historians, that the national consiousness of the Koutsovlachs is essentially Greek [3]. But in spite of this, some non-Greek writers, particularly from northern Balkan countries (and Popović amongst them), basing themselves on the Koutsovlachs' distinctly different language, insist on separating them from the remainder of the Greeks and on calling them 'Hellenized Koutsovlachs'. Their reason for doing this is that by playing down those features which unite Greeks with the Vlach-speaking peoples they might diminish the importance of the economic and cultural influences which the Greeks have had on other Balkan countries. Unfortunately, this tendency reaches such proportions that it manifests itself overtly in the form of generally opprobrious remarks about the Greek nation [4].
2. To the question when exactly did Greek merchants begin to settle permanently in the northernmost Balkan lands and in Central Europe, the answer is not known. It is probable that this intercommunication, signs of which are already perceptible in Byzantine times, had never quite ceased after the fall of Constantinople. Many of these emigrants — mostly of Western Macedonian origin — settled in Serbia and other parts of what is today Yugoslavia. This took place in the 17th and 18th century mainly, especially after the Treaty of Passarowitz. In Veles of modern Yugoslavia (see map 9) were established alarge num-
1. For numerous details about the head of the Sinas family and its members, see Popović, On the Cincari, pp. 149-158. See also the recently published book of George S. Laïos, Σίμων Σίνας, Athens 1972.
2. Popović, ibid., pp. 270-273.
3. Ibid., pp. 18-19. See also p. 170.
4. See Popović, ibid., pp. 305-306.
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ber of Greek merchants most probably of Koutsovlach origin, who formed an association. Its brazen emblem depicts the River Vardar spanned by a bridge, and inscribed around the inner circumference are the words 'Σύστημα τῶν πραγματευτῶν Ρωμαίων ἐν Βελισᾷ Κιοπρουλοῦ' and on the outer 'Corpo Greco mercantile in Velissa' [1]. The Koutsovlach families of Kragujevac came mostly from Gópesi and Pisodéri, with 15 of them from Sélitsa and Siátista [2]. 23 Greek families in Passarowitz came mainly from Epirus [3].
After the liberation of Greece these merchants used to send their children to be educated in Athens, where they were brought up with Greek ideals [4].
Quite a number of these emigrants used to cross the Austro-Turkish frontier, carrying merchandise from their home regions and from other parts of the Turkish empire. As itinerant merchants they disposed of their goods in the markets and trade-fairs, and in escaping the attentions of the local authorities they avoided the payment of dues. Eventually they would make for home with their profits or with merchandise from the parts they had visited. Needless to say, this form of smuggling was interlaced with small-scale deceptions of one kind and another. But Austrian and Hungarian governments acquiesced in their activities, since these emigrants were contributing in some small part to the promotion of the countries' internal trade, and helping to increase the revenues of the localities concerned [5].
At Zemun (Semlin), the first stopping place of the emigrants on their way to Hungary, there grew up quite a sizeable Greek community composed of both Greek- and Vlach-speaking Greeks. The Vlach-speakers called themselves Greco-Vlachs or Macedonian Vlachs, and their community seal bore the words 'Κοινότης τῶν Ρωμαίων καὶ Μακεδονοβλάχων'. The Greek-Koutsovlach community at Novi Sad called itself Communitas Hellenica or Graeca [6]. These merchants were mainly established along the length of the trade route leading from Zemun to Vienna and carried on most of the commercial activity in the riverine
1. See Πρακτικὰ ΔΙΕΕ τῆς KE' Γεν. Συν. τῶν Ἑταίρων τῶν ἐτῶν 1910-1911, p. 16.
2. Popović, On the Cincari, pp. 52-53.
3. Ibid., p. 53. One might mention in particular the goldsmiths in the Orsiav district in 1725 and Novopalanć between 1738-1748 (Popović, ibid., p. 140).
4. Popović, ibid., p. 22, n. 30 (he cites Kanić, p. 336).
5. See many details in Popović, ibid., pp. 88 ff., 104-109. See also Em. Turczynski, Die deutch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen, p. 5.
6. Popović, ibid., p. 18.
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markets of the Danube, like Zemun, Smederovo, Belgrade, Novi Sad, etc. [1].
It is clear from the above that commerce constituted the chief calling of the emigrants. But they were also engaged in other work. They kept inns, coffee-shops and restaurants; they were employed in carpentry, shoe-making, silver-work etc; they held positions in medicine and other professions [2]. Many of them enjoyed a good reputation as builders and operated as far afield as Serbia, Srem, Slovenia and Austria itself. The first stone-built church to be erected in the village of Kuzmin in Srem was built by Cincars (Koutsovlachs). Kanić considered them the builders par excellence of European Turkey [3]. In Hungary emigrants enjoyed almost a monopoly of the livestock-trade, handling cattle, sheep, pigs, horses and other animals [4]. Indeed in Srem, Banat and Batska 'Greek' and 'livestock-dealer' had become virtually synonymous terms, and every dairyman, even though he might be a Serb, was called a 'Greek' [5]. Greeks were also active merchants in the corn-trade [6].
Α list of the inhabitants of the cities of Srem — north-west of Belgrade between the Danube and the Sava — (Zemun, Karlowitz, Bukovar, Mitrovitsa, etc.) shows that in 1736/37 a considerable number of Western Macedonians were living in that region. Even today the main road passing through the villages of Srem is called 'the Greek road'. We notice, too, that after Belgrade had fallen into Turkish hands in 1739 many Greek merchants moved from there to Novi Sad.
After 1760 the stream of Greek immigrants into Yugoslav lands reached the dimensions of a torrent. Waves of refugees came from Moschopolis shortly before it was plundered by Albanians in 1769 [7]. To give a more striking picture of the proportion of Greeks resident in Yugoslav lands, let me quote the following details given by Popović. In Kraïna (a frontier province of Croatia) most of the merchants came from Moschopolis, Grábova (near Moschopolis), Sífka, and Kozáni.
1. Popović, ibid., p. 170. On the Greco-Vlach colony of Smederovo see p. 241.
2. Popović, ibid., p. 56. See also pp. 82, 168-170. See many details about the various professions besides commercial on pp. 138-148. See too pp. 65 ff, where there are some interesting observations on the intellectual capacities, the good and bad points and general character of the Koutsovlachs.
3. Popović, ibid., pp. 142, 144.
4. Popović, ibid., p. 148.
5. Popović, ibid. p. 148.
6. Cvijić, Géographie, p. 52. See details in E. Turczynski, Die deutsch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen, pp. 73-75, where the relevant bibliography may be found.
7. Popović, ibid., pp. 34-37. See also p. 55 and p. 111.
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In Srem around 1770 there were dwelling 29 families from Moschopolis, 20 from Katránitsa, 11 from Blátsi, 8 from Kleisoúra, 5 from Véroia, 4 from Kozáni, 2 from Siátista, 1 from Kastoriá and 1 from Náousa [1]. At the same time out of 76 families at Zemun whose origins are known 28 came from Moschopolis, 16 from Katránitsa, 5 from Blátsi, and one or two from other towns in Macedonia (Siátista, Kastoriá, Monastíri, Melnik, Kozáni, Kleisoúra). In Belgrade, out of 109 families whose origins are known, 32 came from Kleisoúra, 12 from Siátista, 11 from Blátsi, 6 from Moschopolis, three each from Sélitsa and Melnik; the remainder came from Yánnina, Sérres, Katránitsa, Thessalonica, Kastoriá, Velvendó, etc. [2].
To illustrate the steady increase in the number of families of Macedonian origin we might cite the following statistics from Popović: at Karlowitz there were in 1702 five to ten families from Macedonia; in 1736, twenty to twenty-five; in 1764, thirty-five to forty; and in 1780, about sixty [3]. The founder of the secondary school at Karlowitz was Demetrius Anastasiou Sambov who came from Náousa. There was also in Karlowitz a completely Greek school, students of which were ultimately to make a name for themselves in science [4].
Again, in Novi Sad there were about ten Greek families in 1746; in 1768, from eighty to a hımdred; and in 1780, one hundred and twenty [5].
Popović calculates that in Old Serbia there were 1.200 to 1.500 Greek families about the year 1770 [6]. My own opinion is that this number is inaccurate, the number of Western Macedonian families being more numerous in this region. In the cities of Bosnia and Herzogovina, too, there were a number of Greek merchants, craftsmen and innkeepers speaking Greek or Vlach [7].
These immigrants developed into hardworking and capable merchants, and formed a significant proportion of the urban classes in the regions mentioned as Yugoslav historians will confess. It was their descendants who were instrumental in rousing the national awakening
1. Popović, On the Cincari, p. 50.
2. Popović, ibid., pp. 50-51. See also the article of Maria Symeon, Αἱ ἑλληνικαὶ παροικίαι εἰς τὴν Γιονγκοσλαβίαν, «Μακεδονικὴ Ζωή», January 1967, part 8, pp. 21-23.
3. Popović, ibid., p. 54. See also George Laïos, Ὁ ἑλληνικὸς τύπος τῆς Βιέννης. Ἀπὸ τοῦ 1784 μέχρι τοῦ 1821, Athens 1961, p. 6, n. 4.
4. Popović, ibid., p. 47.
5. Ibid., p. 54.
6. Ibid., p. 55.
7. Cvijić, Géographie, p. 52.
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in those parts and were "the chief promoters of the Serbian Idea" [1]. The Serbian scholar Ruvarac recognised that the market comprised less Serbs than Greeks or semi-Greeks (by the latter term he means Koutsovlachs); and he adds that it was the refined spirit of these immigrants that was proof of their Greek descent [2]. Popović himself is forced to acknowledge that "Greeks and Hellenized Koutsovlachs made up the upper stratum from both the material and the cultural point of view: as it were, a kind of social aristocracy" [3].
Although these Greeks were by nature economical and sometimes tight-fisted, they spared no expense when it came to buying and furnishing a house. The most handsome and modern houses in Zemun and Belgrade belonged to Greeks, and their interiors were equipped with the smartest furniture of the time [4]. Even today one can see in Zemun the family house of George Spirtas, who originally came from Kleisoúra.
3. The Greek immigrants carried with them the Hellenic civilization and way of life. Their reputation was such that they came to be considered as exemplary types. For instance, people spoke of being 'devout as a Greek' and 'amiable and reasonable as a Greek'. In sum, the word 'Greek' represented in people's consciousness all that was best and superior [5].
Greek language and education were widely spread amongst the higher social strata of Serbia. Many a Serb who wanted to continue his basic studies put his name down for one or other of the numerous Greek schools scattered throughout the towns and cities of Serbia [6]. It cannot be maintained, of course, that a single educational system was followed in these schools. Every teacher taught according to his own conceptions and the extent of his knowledge. The principal subjects were language, practical arithmetic (of considerable use in day-to-day affairs), Greek history, and religion [7].
Amongst the Greek schools the one at Zemun was particularly well-known. It was closed down in 1875, and in 1906 the Greek brother-
1. See examples in Popović, On the Cincari, p. 12.
2. Ibid., pp. 13-14, where there are many other details. See also pp. 18-19.
3. Ibid., p. 161.
4. Ibid., p. 162. For the costume of these merchants see p. 164.
5. Ibid., p. 165.
6. Popović, ibid., p. 171. See also p. 174. See numerous other details about the Greek schools and Greek education on pp. 218 ff.
7. Ibid., p. 242.
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hood of that town handed over to the Serbs the school property, which was valued at 100.000 gold francs [1].
At Zara in Dalmatia Greek was the second language after Italian right up till 1944 [2].
Α number of school text-books were published by Greek concerns for the education of the youth in Serbia. For instance, the Greek community of Zemun had printed at Venice a spelling-book in both Greek and Slav characters. George Papazachariou, a Greek teacher of the same town, had published a Greek-Slav dictionary and a Greek grammar [3]. All commercial correspondence at Zemun was in Greek, and this was the language of book-keeping and wills [4].
In the Church of Serbia during the last centuries of Turkish rule Greek was the language usually employed in the liturgy. It was not till 1827 that the Serbian ruler, Miloš Obrenović, ordained that the liturgy should be read in Serb alone. Even so, whoever wished to, could use another language in the liturgy provided they built their own chapels. In the church of Smederovo boys and girls from the elementary school used to read the Epistles in Greek up to 1850, when this was officially forbidden. In what is now Yugoslav Macedonia Greek was used in the churches up to the time when the territory was incorporated into the then Kingdom of Serbia (1912-1913) [5].
The Koutsovlachs and other Greeks had a high opinion of themselves and were tremendously proud of their Greek tongue and their historical past; and with their prosperity and their high social position, they tended to be unpopular with the Serbs, who considered them proud and self-centred [6].
Among Greeks who have distinguished themselves in Yugoslav lands by virtue of their cultural activity, first place must be assigned to Demetrius Demetriou (see fig. 117), whose parents had come from Siátista. Demetriou played an energetic role in the cultural and linguistic
1. Symeon, Αἱ ἑλληνικαὶ παροικίαι εἰς τὴν Γιονγκοσλαβίαν, «Μακεδονικὴ Ζωή», January 1967, part 8, p. 23.
2. Symeon, ibid., p. 22.
3. Popović, On the Cincari, p. 176, note 57. Regarding the activities and teachers of the school at Zemun, see Turczynski, Die deutsch-griechischen Kulturbeziehungen, pp. 82-83.
4. Cvijić, Géographie, p. 52. Popović, ibid., p. 172.
5. Popović, ibid., p. 213. See also Jireček, Geschichte der Bulgaren, p. 510: "In Makedonien wurde die Liturgie ausser der Dibra, der Gegend von Prilep und einiger Klöster selbst in Dörfern griechisch gelesen...».
6. Popović, pp. 182-183.
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education of the Croatian youth of Zagreb and Gratz, and became a close friend of Ludovic Gay, the foremost member of the Illyrian Move-
Fig. 117. Demetrius Demetriou.
(Enciklopedija Jugoslavije, Zagreb 1956, vol. 2, p. 687)
ment, that aimed at the union of all Yugoslavs in a single nationality termed 'Illyrian'. (The adherents of this movement held the mistaken opinion that the modern Yugoslavs are descendants of the Illyrians). Demetriou made his mark not only as a Croatian champion and patriot, but as awriter also. From his dramatic works one might mention his play entitled 'Teuta', which is concemed with the struggles of Queen Teuta of Illyria against the Romans. He also wrote some lyric poetry and stories in Croatian. But better known is his work in translation, especially of German drama and poetry and also of modern Greek literary works.
Although Demetriou had but a limited knowledge of Greek, he did try his hand at some lyric poems in the language, and these works have been recently published by the Yugoslav S. Yurič.
In addition, Demetriou is considered as one of those who took a leading part in the foundation of the National Theatre of Zagreb; his bust decorates its vestibule today. One ought to mention, too, his attempts to modernise the obsolete form of Croatian theatre, a matter to which historians of Yugoslav literature have drawn attention [1].
4. Greek immigrants had established themselves from an early date in the rich corn lands of Wallachia and Moldavia, as well as in the countries of Central Europe. Already by the 16th century Greek merchants are mentioned as being in Reni on the lower Danube (a great proportion of the Moldavian transit trade passed that way), and in other important trade centres [2]. In these two Rumanian countries the number of immigrants increased steadily in spite opposition from the local inhabit-
1. Jurić, Τὰ Ἑλληνικὰ λυρικὰ ποιήματα τοῦ Δημήτρη Δημητρίου, Thessalonica 1965.
2. Turczynski, ibid., p. 5, note 8, where there is relevant bibliography.
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ants. Among these Greek were many who served in the church and at court [1].
Around the end of the 16th century one hears of many wealthy Greeks whose stay abroad was temporary and who re-established themselves in their home country after spending years away. Such is the case of the 'extremely wealthy' Patroulas from Sérres, whose fortune was seized by the Turks in 1598 [2]. Generally speaking, the Greeks succeeded in increasing their fortunes and outstripping the local inhabitants and their competitors, the Genoese and Armenians. By 1600 the control of a substantial portion of Eastern Balkan trade was in the hands of Greeks [3]. When Michael the Brave took his stand against the Turks and formed an alliance with the German emperor, Rudolf II (1576-1652), the higher clergy looked to the Rumanian rulers for help in the struggle for liberation [4]. During the reign of Matthew Basarab (1632-1654) over Wallachia and of Basil Lupu (1634-1653) over Moldavia, the relations between Rumanians and Greeks — and with the Oecumenical Patriarch in particular — became closer. Frequent gifts were bestowed by the rulers of these two states upon the patriarchates of Constantinople and Jerusalem, and upon the Holy Mountain [5].
Greek monks from Mt. Athos began settling in the Transdanubian states in large numbers and some founded monasteries. Greek education was thereby reinforced and was able to challenge the Slavonic influences which had been dominant in these parts since the 14th century. From the time of Radu I, ruler of Transylvania (1374-1385), Slavonic had been the official language of church and state in Wallachia; and in Moldavia it had been so from a still earlier date. This powerful influence of Slav language and education was owed to the large numbers of Athonite monks of Slav descent (Bulgarian and Serb) who had fled from the Turkish conqueror to seek asylum in Rumanian monasteries. They had been more numerous than the Greek monks; and taking with them manuscripts in Slavonic, they had taught their language to the Rumanians. Thus the upper classes spoke Slavonic, though the common people spoke
1. Turczynski, Die deutsch-griechische Kulturbeziehungen, pp. 31-32.
2. See Pennas, Σερραϊκὰ Χρονικά, 1, p. 7.
3. Stoianovich, Conquering..., «The Journal of Economic History» 20 (1960) 241.
4. See D. Russo, Studii istorice Greco-Române, Bucharest 1939, 1, pp. 103-109. Jorga, Byzance après Byzance, pp. 148-154.
5. See Turczynski, ibid., pp. 32-33, where the relevant bibliography is to be found, 32 ff.
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their native language and retained their national customs and traditions.
But now the monks from the Holy Mountain, and other Greeks besides, were presenting a serious counter to Slavic influences. Greek education began gradually to win ground through the foundation of schools and printing-presses in the monasteries, which at that time were the only cultural centres in Transylvania and Moldavia. The struggle ended with the supremacy of Greek letters around the end of the 16th century and the beginning of the 17th. However, Matthew Basarab and Basil Lupu substituted the Rumanian language for both Slavonic and Greek for church and state in the middle of the 17th century [1].
In the wake of the Greek monks and clerics and of the Phanariot rulers with their friends and relatives came numerous other Greeks after 1711. Some were merchants, others doctors and literary men, taking to their new homelands the basic elements of Greek civilization [2]. Α large proportion of these came from Macedonia, particularly the regions inhabited by Vlach-speaking populations, who, speaking a Romance language closely related to Rumanian, found a sympathetic environment in the Transdanubian states. For this reason many other Greeks who emigrated to those parts let it be known that they were 'Aromuni' (Koutsovlachs) in order to gain the sympathy of the local inhabitants. (This is a fact recognised by Rumanian historians). Greek communities rapidly made their appearance in almost all the commercial centres of Wallachia and Moldavia, and these are still known today by their original names. The surname 'Grec' or 'Grecul', too, is often encountered [3].
Already by the middle of the 16th century there were Macedonian immigrants settled in various towns and villages of Transylvania — Sibiu, Braşov, Cluj, Arad, Alba-Julia, Hunedvara, etc. [4]. In fact Greek immigrants had made their appearance at Sibiu and Braşov a century before. Α resolution passed by the town council of Braşov concerning Greeks
1. Tsioran, Σχέσεις τῶν ρουμανικῶν χωρῶν μετὰ τοῦ Ἄθω, pp. 43-53. See also E. Turdeanu, L'actvité littéraire en Moldavie à l'époque d'Etienne le Grand (1457-1504), «Revue des Études Roumaines» 5-6 (1960) 22, 25-26, 46-47.
2. K. Amantos, Οἱ Ἕλληνες εἰς τὴν Ρουμανίαν προ τοῦ 1821, ΠΑΑ 19 (1944), pp. 420-424, 425-433, where relevant bibliography may be found.
3. Turczynski, ibid., p. 32, para. 132, where relevant bibliography may be found.
4. N. Camariano, L'organisation et l'actvité culturelle de la compagnie des marchants Grecs de Sibiu, «Balcania» 6 (1943) 202. See also Turczynski, ibid., pp. 65 ff.
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in 1588 and a meeting recorded at Gjulafejervar show that there were by that date already quite a number of Greek merchants living in Transylvania [1]. Macedonians also settled in the possessions of the Racóczy princes of Transylvania. In 1636 George I Racóczy granted certain privileges to the few Macedonian immigrants and other Orthodox folk. Among other concessions the Greeks obtained the right to choose their own judge and sell freely both wholesale and retail [2]. On the enormous estates of the Rakóczy family the need for workers encouraged a stream of immigrants [3]. Thus, in spite of opposition from both Saxon and Hungarian merchants, the Greeks succeeded in finally wresting privileges from George I, Racóczy, Prince of Transylvania (1630-1648) and organizing themselves into 'companies' [4].
During the 16th century the Transylvanian town of Sibiu developed into an important and continually expanding centre of trade with the East, the trade-route running through Wallachia. Amongst the Transylvanian merchants conspicuous by their drive are to be found a number of Greek names [5]. By 1545 they were controlling most of the Eastern trade in spite of a variety of hampering regulations imposed by the local authorities, regarding days when it was permissible to sell, the nature of the goods, and the like [6]. The Greeks of Sibiu received their privileges from George I Racóczy in 1636. These were renewed in 1701 by the Em-peror Leopold [7], who added some new ones to the list: so long as the merchants payed their customs dues regularly they were to enjoy imperial protection; they were exempt from military conscription; they were empowered to start up businesses wherever they wished and to sell whatever goods they chose [8]. All these privileges were again formely recognised in 1777 by the empress Maria-Theresa.
Naturally enough, the increasing commercial activity of these Greek merchants provoked protests from the local inhabitants. Consequently the Emperor Joseph II issued a decree in 1785 diminishing the privileges
1. Odön Füves, Οἱ Ἕλληνες τῆς Οὑγγαρίας, Thessalonica 1965, p. 8.
2. Lampros, Σελίδες, ΝΕ 8 (1911) 264. Füves, ibid., p. 26.
3. Lampros, ibid., pp. 264-265. See in detail the obstacles placed in the way of the Greek marchants by the Austrian authorities in Popović, ibid., pp. 91-102.
4. Camariano, L'organisation, p. 208.
5. See S. Goldenberg, Der Südhandel in den Zollrechnungen von Sibiu (Hermannstadt) im 16. Jahrhundert, «Revue des Études Sud-Est Européennes» 2 (1964) 385-421.
6. Füves, ibid., p. 8.
7. Camariano, ibid., pp. 205, 208-209, 210.
8. Füves, ibid., p. 26.
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of the Greeks. As Turkish subjects, they were now obliged to deal in exclusively Turkish products and to deposit affidavits to that effect [1]. Infraction of the first clause of this decree — a not uncommon occurrence — led to frequent clashes with the local authorities [2].
In the Bohemian town of Libin there was a Greek 'company' (Compagnia Grecia Libiniensis) in 1656, according to documents in the Racóczy Archivés [3].
From the evidence in our hands it would seem that a 'company' was a union or kind of guild (similar to those existing in Greek lands) recognised by the state. It championed the interests of its members [4], and exercised control over every aspect of their communal life. The general council of the 'company' had the duty of watching over the administration and of smoothing out any differences which arise between the Greeks and the local merchants. But its particular concern was its members' observance of the laws of the country which had offered them hospitality [5].
5. The Rakóczy Archives give us information about the Hungarian towns and localities for the period 1725-1771. By this time the Greeks were no longer scattered over the enormous estates: they had formed Greek communities in various towns and villages of Transylvania and Moravia, such as Albocarolina, Szasz-Regen, Nagy, Enyved, Thorda (Thorenburg), Kolos, Bistritz, Dees, Szamos-Uswar, Medlitz, Schässburg (Segesvar), Wasarhely, Radnoth, Nagy Sink, Axona, Gorongas, Nagy Varantz and Bungard (where the Orthodox possessed their own church and cemetery). Of all the Greek communities in the region under the Rakóczy family the most important was that in