The World of the Huns. Chapter IX. Language
O. Maenchen-Helfen

6a. The apposition čur in Turkish names

In the Turkish "runic" inscriptions occur many names with the apposition čur (or čor), [156] for example,

Alči čur kuč bars; [157] Qan čur; [158] Tadïqïn čur; [159] Köl čur of the Tar-


duš; [160] Unagan čur; [161] Yigän čur; [162] Isbara tamgan čur; [163] Sabra tamgan čur; [164] ... t čur; [165] Bäg čur. [166]
It has long been recognized that čur is a title or rank; [167] its meaning, however, has not been ascertained so far. Though all the men called čur were members of the aristocracy, their status was not the same. The čur who represented the Kirghiz qaghan at Köl Tegin's obsequies, [168] and Ïšbara bilgä köl (i) čur of the monument at Ikhe-khushotu [169] were high dignitaries; Bögü čur, to judge by the simple slab used for his epitaph, [170] held a modest position. The various čur named in Arabic sources [171] — all Turks as it seems — were great lords, but whether čur designated a rank in the military or administrative organization, was hereditary or not, higher or lower than bäg or tarqan, is anything but clear. The same is true for the chari and charačur in the Khotanese documents. [172] Čor (hjor) in the Tibetan names Drugu čor, 'Bug čhur, and Khri-skugs-hjor in the old Shan-shan kingdom and western Kansu [173] are Turkish čur, [174] but what it means is not known.


The Chinese sources are of no help either. In the dynastic annals a considerable number of čur among Turkish-speaking groups are named. As in the inscriptions, ch'o [175] (=čur) is often added to another title: for instance, in A ch'o, [176] Mo ch'o, [177] P'ei-lo ch'o, [178] or Shih-chien ch'o. [179] It frequently occurs in the names of qaghans and other persons of high rank, [180] sometimes preceded and followed by more titles, as in the monstrous Hsieh to teng-li ku ch'o mi-shih ho chü-lu ying yi chien li pi-ch'ieh k'o-han = El töbär täŋri qut čur togmïs alp chü-lu ying yi chien li bilgä qagan. [181] But none of the chroniclers stated exactly what čur meant. [182]

The closer one studies the titles of the steppe peoples in the Chinese annals, the more perplexing are the constant contradictions. They are only partly due to misunderstandings on the part of the recorders, although the Chinese, bewildered by the complexities of social and political systems


so unlike their own, must often have been tempted to twist titles and ranks until they somehow fitted their ideas of a state, be it ever so barbaric. The nomadic societies, especially those nearer to China and therefore more exposed to her influence, were not unchangeable entities. As testified by the numerous Chinese titles in the Turkish inscriptions, the barbarians saw themselves forced to take over a number of institutions from the hated and admired empire. This meant more than the addition of a set of Chinese titles; it meant a marked change in the political structure. The old titles themselves, as far back as they can be traced, were by no means uniform. Some of them seem to be rooted in the shamanistic oligarchy of an early period, becoming unstable as the functions to which they belonged were withering away; others were closely connected with the ascendancy of the qaghanate. If the pictures the Chinese drew of a given nomadic society differ from one another, at times in the same chapter of the annals, the cause has to be sought primarily in the continuous, now slow, now accelerated shift of importance and power from one group to another. Confronted with reports which contradicted one another because they referred to different periods — not necessarily far apart — the chroniclers often saw no way out but to tuck together what they found in their material and leave it to the reader to make sense out of it. One of the titles which must have puzzled the Chinese was čur.

About 635, Sha-po-lo tieh-li-shih qagan divided the western Turks in ten tribes. The five Tu-lu tribes, forming the left division, were under the five ''great čur," the Nu-shih-pi tribes of the right division under the five "great ch'i-chin." [183] The titles of the chiefs were as follows:

Lü čur [184] (tribe Ch'u-mu-k'un) Ch'üeh ch'i-chin [186] (A-hsi-chieh)
Ch'üeh [185] čur (Hu-lu-wu) Ch'üeh ch'i-chin (Ko-shu)


T'un [187] čur (She-she-t'i) T'un sha-po [189] (Pa-sai-kan)
Ho-lo-shih čur (Tu-ch'i-shih) Ni-shu ch'i-chin (A-hsi-chieh)
Ch'u-pan čur [188] (Shu-ni-shih) Ch'u-pan ch'i-chin (Ku-shu)

The "great čur" obviously have the same rank as the "great ch'i-chin." But we have lists of high dignitaries of the western Turks in which the ranks are quite differently arranged: yi-chin, ch'ü-li čur, yen-hung-ta, hsieh-li-fa, t'u-t'un, ch'i-chin. [190] The ch'u-lu čur is also the second in a list of high dignitaries of the Turks in T'ang Shu, [191] but he again heads the list of the officials of the Northern Turks. [192] Both lists end with ch'i-chin.

It seems that Sha-po-lo promoted the ch'i-chin from a lower rank to that of the čur. The whole system was an innovation, and not a stable one. According to it, there should be no čur in the right division. But the two ch'üeh čur whom Mi-she, leader of the Tu-lü, killed in 659 were Nu-shih-pi chieftains. [193] The Kirghiz seemed not to have been divided into a left and right division. Yet they had their külüg čur's, as, for example, Külüg čur Baina Saŋun, who was buried by the Barluk River in Tuva. [194]

One gets the impression that čur was a rather general term, whose specific meaning was determined by the preceding adjective: the great čur, the minor čur, the wise čur, the loyal čur and so forth. Still, the čur of the western and northern Turks were all men of considerable importance. [195] This was not so with the Uyghurs in the eighth century.

The Mahrnāmag [196] lists eleven Manichaean auditores whose names end in čur. None of them was a high official. The princes are called tegin. The "rulers" have either Chinese titles [197] or are addressed as tiräk and il ügäsi. Then follow officials with the title ügä. Of the following "lords"


of towns only two are čur. The other čur are a physician, a scribe, and various lower officials. The last one is the long list is kül čur.

The names of the Uyghur čur are as follows: [198]

kwrtl' čwr = körtlä, "beautiful," čur.
bgr'k čwr = bägräk, "princely," čur.
yddwy čwr = yduq, "holy," čur.
lywl'ng xwm'r čwr. Liu-lang is evidently Chinese. Benveniste takes xwm'r to be Buddhist Sogdian
gwm'r, *humār, "consolation, encouragement." [199]
xr'kwl l'' čwr. Whether this is one name or two is not clear, xr'kwl = qara qul. [200] L" might be Chinese.
'wn čwr. Perhaps on, "ten." [201]
by'mnwrz čwr. A Sogdian name.
twnk whmn čwr. Another Sogdian name.
sp'r xr' čwr = išbara qara čur.
'lp cwr = alp, "hero," čur.
qwyl čwr = köl čur.
In the Mahrnāmag, čur is not the designation of a function. If it was an inherited title, it amounted at best to a honorific adjunct to a name. We know too little about Uyghur society to determine the causes of this devaluation of čur. Life at the court of the Manichaean qaghan was not the same as in the steppe. The change, the disintegration of the old order which made čur an empty title, was possibly the result of the strong impact of Sogdian civilization. Together with the new religion, new arts and crafts, new techniques, a new division of labor came into the life of the herdsmen. The Mahrnāmag mirrors an urban civilization. Those Uyghurs who returned to their more primitive life after the collapse of their kingdom kept čur as a title as, for example, Na hsie ch'o t'e-le = Nahid


("Venus") čur tägin. [202] The latest datable Uyghur name of the type x-čur is Ïnal čur; [203] it occurs in an inscription of the tenth century. [204]

The meaning of čur, like that of any other title, was bound to change in time. A closer study of the titles of the Turks and non-Turks in the post-T'ang period may reveal more instances of the restricted or modified use of čur. But it is doubtful whether much more can be learned from Chinese sources. They certainly cannot tell us what the archaic meaning of čur was.

Pelliot was inclined to assume that čur was an Avar word; he even thought it might ultimately be of Indo-European origin. [205] But no such Avar word exists. I know of no word in the vocabulary of the Hsiung-nu, To-pa, or any supposedly Altaic people that might be regarded as an older form of, or related to, čur. [206] We know practically nothing of


the Indo-European languages spoken at the borders of China in early times. Yet there are some documents which lead further back and are more revealing than those discussed so far.

The date of the Turkish inscriptions from the Talas Valley and the shores of the Issyk-kul is the sixth and seventh centuries. [207] They were the epitaphs of warriors who stood culturally much lower than the Turks in the Orkhon region, not to speak of the Uyghurs. The letters do not have the more or less standardized forms they have on the Orkhon, and the lines are so irregularly arranged that it is often difficult to read them. We may hope to learn from the Talas inscriptions, if not the original, at least the more primitive meaning of čur.

There is, first, an inscription found by Kallaur in the district Aulie Ata. It has been translated three times, [208] and although a few words are still obscure, the content is clear: A man named čur says farewell to his thirty oglan, his loyal men, and to the pleasures and blessings of the world; he leaves behind his widow and oglan čur.

There is, second, a much longer inscription from the same region with a similar content, known since the 1890's, but translated only in 1926 by Németh. He had to use a squeeze published by Heikel, the same text which Malov translated some years later. [209] In the fall of 1961 the inscribed stone was rediscovered in situ, photographed and edited by Ch. Dzhumagulov. [210] It turned out that Heikel's squeeze was imperfect; both Németh's and Malov's translations are therefore obsolete. Dzhumagulov's new translation probably is not final either; the sequence of the lines is still not quite certain and some letters are unreadable. Nevertheless, further study will not change what matters to us: A man bearing the "heroic" name


Qara čur leaves behind his loyal (or close) friends, the thirty oglan, and his son Qara čur.

Thirty oglan occur in a third, recently found inscription. Again a man is separated from them. His name is Aguš, he is  čur. [211] The phrase otuz oglan occurs once more in a fourth, newly found, very mutilated inscription. [212]

In the Yenisei inscriptions oglan means "boy, son, warrior"; in those on the Orkhon, "son of someone, hidalgo, prince." [213] Malov thinks the thirty oglan were the sons of the deceased and their comrades, [214] which obviously cannot be true for all four inscriptions. But why then the recurrent thirty? When one considers that the armies of nearly all Turkic peoples were divided into units of tens and multiples of tens, it seems much more likely that the thirty oglan were a military unit. It could be a coincidence that a document from the Tun-huang, written in runes, mentions thirty "men of rank and distinction" under the command of a higher officer. [215] But the men in another inscription who, led by a nobleman, rode nine times around the tomb of their lord, likewise numbered thirty. [216]

In the inscriptions the thirty oglan are under a čur, whose son is also a čur. With the western Turks under Ïšbara qaghan the title and rank of "eminent čur" were handed down from father to son. The same must have been true for the more primitive tribes in the Semirech'e.

The Talas inscriptions permit, I believe, only one interpretation of čur: It must mean "commander, leader, captain." Compared to the great Tarduš köl čur, the Čur and Qara čur of our inscriptions were minor figures. They had thirty men under their command; the Tardus officer must have led thousands. But both he and they were "commanders, captains." Our interpretation is also borne out by the rank of Aguš in the third Talas inscription. He was  čur, "čur of the troops." This corresponds to sü baši, "captain of the troops," in the Toñukuk inscription and in the Vienna manuscript of the Qutadgu Bilig. [217]


(for short ), one of the eight tribes, , or units of the military administration, , of the Pechenegs in the tenth century, [218] were *küärči čur, "the čur with the pigeon-blue horse-tail flag." [219] The Pecheneg čur had nothing to do with the fire of the hearth or the drum, they were neither shamans nor judges, but horsemen and leaders of horsemen. In the language of the Pechenegs čur must have meant "commander, leader." Among the Kirghiz the word has preserved its military connotations to the present day. It is true, it does not amount to much but it shares this fate with many feudal-military terms. As John Smith, Esq. < scutarius no longer bears a shield, so the Kirghiz čoro no longer rides into battle at the head of his oglans. In everyday language čoro means "boy, lad" in the household of a nobleman. [220] In the epic, however, čoro is still "the warrior, companion in arms, one of the troop [druzhennik]." [221] Now we can turn to the Huns.

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156. In the Runic script the word can be read čur or čor. The spelling in Tokharian and Tibetan texts indicates čor. The Byzantines transcribe the word by  or .

157. Radlov 1893, 319-320; Malov 1952, 37, Orkun 1941, 117 (he reads elic). Alci, "envoy," occurs also as a personal name (Malov 1951, 21).

158. In a badly preserved inscription from Tuva (Kiselev, VDI 3 (8), 1939, 133).

159. Thomsen 1924, 151 ; Malov 1951, 24, 31, 40.

160. Radlov 1893, 261; Malov 1959, 47; Giraud 1960, 80.

161. Thomsen 1912, 186, 188.

162. Samoïlovitch in Kotwicz and Samoïlovitch 1926, 21; Malov 1959, 28.

163. Radlov 1893, 322; Malov 1952, 40.

164. Malov 1959, 10.

165. Radlov 1893, 322; Malov 1952, 40.

166. Malov 1959, 61-62.

167. Radlov 1893, 372; F. W. K. Müller 1915, 34; Thomsen 1924, 172; Németh 1939, 27 and in JA 1951, 70.

168. Malov 1951, 27, 33, 42. Ïnanču occurs both as a title and personal name (Orkun 1941, 4, 157).

169. Samoïlovitch in Kotwicz and Samoïlovitch 1926, 2-24.

170. Iu. L. Aranchyn, Epigrafika vostoka 5, 1951, 77.

171. Two governors of Damascus (Zambaur 1927, 28, 29); conqueror of Damascus (Zambaur 1927, 29); governor of Azerbaijan (Zambaur 1927, 177); Spuler 1952, 66); governor of Cairo (Zambaur 1927, 27); ambassador of the prince of Fergana (Barthold in Encyclopedia of Islam, 201); ruler of Wakhsh and Halaward (Barthold in Encyclopedia of Islam, 74, n. 6; Zambaur 1927, 204); lord of Üzgänd (Barthold in Encyclopedia of Islam, 157); founder of a family of governors of Khorasan (Justi 1895, 301; Barthold, Encyclopedia of Islam 1, 77; Zambaur 1927, 29). The list could be easily multiplied.

172. ttrūki chāri (Bailey 1939, 9); Maṃgali chārä ttātlānä = Mängli čur tutuq (Bailey 1949, 48); Saikarä ttrūkā chārä = Syqyr turk čur (ibid., 50); Yaṃgai chārä = Yangy čur (Bailey in Togan's armagan, 202).

173. Bacot 1940, 45; Thomas 1951, 2, 175, 203, 230, 236, 276. On Bug-čor, cf. J. Bacot, JA 244, 1956, 145; Clauson, JA 244, 1956, 245, and JA 255, 1957, 12; Macdonald, JA 250, 1962, 541; in an annotation to Bacot's article, Pelliot identified Bug-čhor as Mo-cho (see n. 177).

174. It would not be the only Turkish rank or title known to and taken over by the Tibetans. A Tibetan princess had the title ko-t'un, qatun (Chin T'ang shu 196a, 6a).

175. Ancient ts'wät; cf. T'ang shu shih yin 22, 3b. č'war; cf. Chavannes and Pelliot 1913, 249, n. 1.

176. For A-po ch'o, Apa čur, Kirghiz ruler (790-795), see Hamilton 1955, 140.

177. Died in 716 (Chavannes 1903, 346). P. Pelliot, TP 26, 1929, 151; R. N. Frye, HJAS 1951, 120; Hamilton 1955, 147. In 698, the Chinese changed his title into chan-ch'o, "decapitate the ch'o" (Liu 1958, 163, 217, 652).

178. Turkish Boila cur (Hirth 1899, 105).

179. A high rank with the Tongra (T'ang shu 217b, 7a); cf. Chavannes 1903, 321.

180. For instance,

A-shih-na chu-po ch'o, about 682 (Chavannes 1903, 315, 339). Chu-po seems to be a title;
A-shih-na ch'ü ch'o chung chieh, a western Turk, about 700 (Chavannes 1903, 315);
Chü pi shih ch'o su-lu, a western Turk, about 777 (Chavannes 1903, Errata supplémentaires ad p. 81).
Mo-yen ch'o, Bayan cur, Uyghur ruler (747-759) (Hamilton 1955, 189);
Ni-shu ch'o, a western Turk about 640 (Chavannes 1903, 349); cf. the names Ni-shu, Ni-shu baga šad, Ni-shu ärkän (ibid);
Pi-ch'ia ye-hu tun a-po i-chien ch'o, Bilgä yabgä to n a apa irkän čur, ruler of the three Qarluq tribes in 746 (Chavannes, TP 5, 1904, 76). Tun is the Turkish title toŋa (Malov 1951, 432), ttāṃga in Khotanese (Bailey 1939, 87), tunā in Tocharian (W. Krause, ZDMG 1955, p. *69*). It often occurs in Chinese transcriptions, e.g., Tun a-po (Chavannes 1903, 369); Tun pi-ch'ia (ibid.); Tun baga tarqan (Hamilton 1955, 140). Tun chien ch'eng (Chavannes 1903, 10) is "the town of the Tun (i) chien"; cf. Tunkāth, chief town of Īlāq (Barthold, Enc. of Islam, 172);
T'u huo hsien ku ch'o, leader of the Türgäš, about 740 (Chavannes 1903, 371);
Wu li ch'o, western Turk, about 640 (Chavannes 1903, 350);
Wu mo choo, about 626 (Liu 1958, 139, 198);
Ch'u mu k'un chin mi ch'o of the Pa hsi mi, about 716 (Liu 1958, 225);
Mei lu ch'o, about 730 (Liu 1958, 793).
181. Uyghur ruler (T'ang shu 217a, 5b). Mi-shi could also transcribe yarutmïš (Hamilton 1955, 160).

182. In a gloss to the T'ung chien kang mu (Hirth 1899, 6, n. 1), čur is defined as ta ch'en, "minister," evidently a guess, and not a good one.

183. Chiu T'ang shu 194a, 3b-4a; T'ang shu 225b, 6a.

184. = ch'ü-lü. In the transcriptions of names and titles ch'ü-lü, ch'ü-li, and ch'üeh-lü are often interchanged. Whether in a given case they render köl, küli, or külüg (Pelliot 1926, 210, note; Hamilton 1955, 96, n. 8; Clauson 1962, 89) cannot be determined unless the man so named is also mentioned in Arabic texts. As Marquart (1898b, 181-182) recognized, Baga tarqan, Ch'üeh-lü of the Ch'u-mu, who in 738 killed the Türgäš Su-lu, is Tabarī's kūrṣul, misspelled for kūlṣur = köl čur; for Arabic s = Turkish c. Cf. Pelliot 1950, 72. On kol, "lake", cf. L. Bazin, Revue de l'histoire des religions 149, 1956; Hamilton 1962, 52, n. 10.

185. See the preceding note. For the weak enunciation of the final t in ch'iuet, see Boodberg 1951, 2-3.

186. For ch'i-chin, see Hamilton 1955, 98, n. 1.

187. T'un stands for t'u-t'un, Turkish Tudun; cf. T'u-t'un ch'o, an Eastern Turk (Chiu T'ang shu 194a, 9a). T'un ch'o was also the title of an Uyghur dignitary (T'ang shu 217a, 3a).

188. Turkish čopan, an Iranian loanword (Markwart 1929, 85).

189. Sha-po or sha-po-lo is Turkish ïšbara (Pelliot 1926, 211); Mehmed Fuad Köprülü, KsCA 1, Erg. Band 4, 1938, 341-343.

190. Chiu T'ang shu 194b, 1a; Chavannes 1903, 21.

191. 215a, 36.

192. Ch'ü-lü ch'o, a-po, hsieh-li-fa, t'u-t'un, ch'i-chin (Chiu T'ang shu 194a, 1a; Wu tai shih chi 74, 6a; Hamilton 1955, 96-97).

193. Chavannes 1903, 72; cf. also page 35. The five čur of the Tu-lu and the five chi'-chin of the Nu-shih-pi are still mentioned in 715 (Liu 1958, 170, 258).

194. Radlov 1893, 309, Malov 1952, 22-23.

195. In the Bilgagqa, an epitaph of 735, the Köl čur are the leaders among the Tarduš bäg (Orkun 1941, 1, 70; Gabain 1950a, 136; N. Poppe, HJAS 1951, 648).

196. F. W. K. Müller 1912.

197. Tutuq, čigši.

198. With Prof. W. B. Henning's help I have transcribed the names in the usual way.

199. umār-tegin and umār-bäg (Pelliot 1950, 211; Zambaur 1927, 102).

200. Qul in qaraqul has not necessarily always had the meaning "slave". Originally qul was "the outsider, foreigner," living within the tribe but outside the connubium (Bernshtam 1946, 125). The man whom Kulug Togan (Malov 1952, no. 44) addresses as his "white qul," was certainly not his slave, nor was the high-ranking officer Qul Apa Urugu (in a military document from Miran, Thomsen 1912, 189) a slave; cf. also Qul Bort in a Talas inscription (Orkun 2, 137). Until recently the T'ien shan Kirghiz gave a child born after all the children in the family had died a name ending in qul; in this case qul actually meant "slave" (S. M. Abramzon, SMAE 12, 1949, 107).

201. Rásonyi 1961, 63.

202. Ghavannes and Pelliot 1913, 249.

203. F. W. K. Müller 1915, 23, 34; Pelliot 1950, 182, n. 3.

204. Hamilton (1955, 143) dates it in 947. The Turkish name čk'yn čwr bylk' č. čur bilgä occurs also in the Sogdian documents from Mt. Murg (Lifshits 1962, 47, 51).

205. TP 28, 1931, 449. Russian čur, "go away," of obscure origin, has of course nothing to do with our čur.

206. Since Gabain 1950a (Nachtrag zum Glossar) has pointed out that in Tokharian texts our title is written cor, some historians as, e.g., Altheim (Geschichte l, 8), and philologists as, e.g., J. Németh (Voprosy iazykoznaniia 12, 6, 1963, 128), take the word for Tokharian, borrowed by the Turks; Németh calls it even an Iranian (sic) loanword. Had these scholars looked up von Gabain's source (Sieg, Siegling, and Schultze 1931, 50 and 63), they would have seen that the authors themselves regard cor as a Turkish title. Poucha (1955, 101) has "appelatio Turcica?" At my request, Professor W. Winter checked the passage. He wrote to me:

"Das Wort ist insgesamt zweimal belegt: einmal auf einem winzigen Fetzen der Avadānasammlung A 399-404 in der Form des Akk. Sg; einmal in A 382 a 3 auf dem Rest eines isolierten Blattes, der eine metrische Widmung enthält, in dem sich eine Reihe nichttocharischer Wörter findet, die wohl die Stifter des in a 2 erwähnten Buddhabildes sind. Unglücklicherweise ist an dieser Stifterliste beinahe alles unklar. Wir haben // alle Brüder; bhek uri helkis āpruts lpik kokuntaāṃ hkhonāñc kārā cor lpi .o //. In bhek und kārā möchte man natürlich türkisch bäg und qara sehen, aber wie steht es dann um den Rest? . . . Das Einzige, was sich wirklich vertreten lässt, ist die Behauptung, cor im A-Text sei aller Wahrscheinlichkeit nach ein fremdes Wort, und zwar entweder ein Titel oder ein Name eines Mannes. Da sehr viel dafür spricht, dass die Stifter der A-Handschriften Türken waren, kann man wohl einen Schritt weiter gehen und vermuten, dass der Träger dieses Namens oder Titels ein Türke war. Das macht aber natürlich cor noch nicht zu einem türkischen Wort oder besser einem echttürkischen Wort. Entlehnung aus dem Tocharischen ins Türkische ist grundsätzlich als möglich anzusehen, es gibt aber nichts, was die Möglichkeit zur Wahrscheinlichkeit macht: eine tocharische Etymologie kann ich nicht angeben. Zum Vokalismus ist lediglich zu bemerken, dass eine wirkliche Sicherheit über die Vorform von cor kaum zu erzielen ist; allerdings deutet das erhaltene -u- in hkhatuṃ (wenn = qatun) und in hkutteṃ (wenn = qutīn) wohl darauf hin, dass eher mit -o-Vokalismus ausserhalb von Tocharisch A zu rechnen ist."

Ramstedt 1951, 77, derived čur from Avestan śura, "strong, heroic." This is one of those etymologies which nothing recommends but a vague assonance and an unrestrained imagination.

In his letter to me of April 10, 1967, Professor O. Pritsak maintained that čor "cannot be of Turkic origin because of č which never occurs in original Turkic words." But in Handbuch der Orientalistik, Allaistik, Turkologie, p. 33, published in 1963, Pritsak included č- in the "alttürkische" initial consonants. G. Doerfer (UJb 59, 1-2, 1967) includes č- in the list of initial consonants common to all Altaic languages.

207. A. v. Gabain, Anthropos 48, 3-4, 1953, 539; Kliashtornyĭ 1964, 53.

208. (1) Melioranskiĭ (1899, 271-272, after an imperfect rubbing); (2) Németh 1926, 140-141, with the reproduction of pl. 12 in Heikel 1918; (3) S. E. Malov, 1929, 799-802 (with commentary not repeated in Malov 1951, 74-75). Orkun 2, 134, follows Malov.

209. Németh 1926, 137-138; Orkun 1941, 3, 134-135; Malov 1959, 60-61.

210. Nakhodki v Kirgizii 1962, 23-27, 39, see also 7-10; Epigrafika Kirgizii 1, 18-21.

211. Nakhodki v Kirgizii 1962, 18-19; Epigrafika, 28-29.

212. Nakhodki v Kirgizii 1962, 15-16; Epigrafika, 24-25.

213. Oglan and ogul were apparently not as interchangeable as in later usage. Where the context permits to distinguish between "child(ren)" and "boy(s), son(s)," oglan has the latter meaning. Oglan togdïm (Orkun 1941, 3 105; Malov 1952, 57) can only mean "I was born a boy." A man leaves behind his wife, his only daughter, and two oglan (Radlov 1895, 320; Orkun 1941, 3, 134; Malov 1952, 38). "Seventy thousand oglan" (Radlov 1895, 330; Orkun 1941, 3, 134; Malov 1952, 49) are evidently "seventy thousand warriors." Cf. Pokrovskaia 1961, 15-17; Hamilton 1962, 32.

214. Malov 1951, 403.

215. Thomsen 1912, 219.

216. Malov 1952, 63.

217. Ibid., 369, 423.

218. Constantine Porphyrogenitus, Moravcsik 1949, 16617, 21, 16835.

219. G. Györffy (AOH 18, 1965, 77), J. Németh ("Zur Kenntnis der Petschenegen," KCsA 1, 1921-25, 220-221, and 1930, 3), and Menges (1945, 267) assume that the color of the horses was meant. On čur as a family name among the Pechenegs settled in Hungary, see G. Györffy, KCsA, Ergänzungsband 6, 1939, 440.

220. K. K. Iudakhin, Kirgizsko-russkiĭ slovar', 133; in the Turkish edition, Kirgiz sözlügü l, 281.

221. Manas 368. The druzhina of Manas consists of forty čoro (Abramzon 1946, 125, 127). Cf. K. K. Iudakhin, Kirgizsko-russkiĭ slovar', 868. A warrior in the legend of the origin of the Sayaq is called Qara čoro (Vinnikov 1956, 148).