ÿþ<!doctype html public "-//w3c//dtd html 4.0 transitional//en"> <html> <head> <meta http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=unicode"> <meta name="Author" content="Vassil Karloukovski"> <meta name="GENERATOR" content="Microsoft FrontPage 5.0"> <meta name="ProgId" content="FrontPage.Editor.Document"> <title>Paul Wittek - Yazijioghlu 'Ali on the Christian Turks of the Dobrudja</title> </head> <body> <div align=right><font size=-1 face="Palatino Linotype">.</font></div> <center><b><font size=+1 face="Palatino Linotype">Yazijioghlu 'Ali on the Christian Turks of the Dobruja</font></b></center> <div align=right><font size=-1 face="Palatino Linotype">.</font></div> <center><font face="Palatino Linotype"><b>Paul Wittek</b> <font size=-1>(Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. 14, No. 3,</font> <br><font size=-1>Studies Presented to Vladimir Minorsky by His Colleagues and Friends (1952), 639-668.)</font></font><p> <font face="Palatino Linotype" size="-1">&nbsp;</font></p> </center> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">The steppe which stretches between the Lower Danube and the Black Sea, from the Delta southward as far as the foothills of the Emine Dagh, <a href="#1.">[1]</a> and which since the middle of the 14th century has been called, after the Bulgarian prince Dobrotitsa, the Dobruja, is the homeland of a small Turkish-speaking people, the Gagauz. It is because of their religion that they appear as a distinct group among the Turks : they are Christians belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church. In the past the Gagauz may have constituted, among the various ethnic elements of the region, a group of considerable importance, especially in the southern and middle Dobruja, from Varna and Kaliakra towards Silistria on the Danube. Besides, small isolated groups of them are to be found also in the Balkans (where they are more commonly known by the name of Sorguch): in Eastern Thrace, round Hafsa, to the south-east of Adrianople, and in Macedonia, to the east and west of Salonica, round Zikhna (near Serres) and round Karaferia (Verria). In modern times the Gagauz of the Dobruja have shrunk to a feeble minority chiefly as a result of a prolonged and massive emigration into Bessarabia. To-day even this remnant is rapidly dwindling. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">The fact that they are Christians makes of the Gagauz an intriguing historical problem. Certainly they cannot be Anatolian Turks who had immigrated into the Dobruja under the Ottomans and been subsequently christianized there, say under the influence qf the surrounding population; even such an unostentatious, gradual apostasy from Islam is something inconceivable under the sultan's sway. Their conversion must therefore have been completed before the Dobruja became Ottoman, i.e. before the end of the 14th century. Could the Gagauz, then, be regarded as Greek, Bulgarian, or Wallachian Christians who under the Ottoman domination adopted the Turkish language? This, too, is<i> a priori </i>most unlikely since in the Balkans conditions favoured on the contrary acceptance of Islam combined with retention of the native language  witness the Muslim Bulgarians (the Pomak), the Bosnian Muslims speaking Serbo-Croat, the Muslim Albanians. A Turkish immigration from the north, from the South-Russian steppe across the Danube, is certainly the first thing which will come to the mind as historically probable. Indeed, the Gagauz have been identified with one or the other of the 'Northern' Turkish peoples  Petcheneg, Uz, Kuman  who are known to have passed through the Dobruja in the 10th and 11th centuries. However, very little and only doubtful evidence has been produced for these various identifications; on the other hand, the late T. Kowalski's careful analysis of the Gagauz Turkish has firmly established </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">640&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">that, in spite of some 'Northern' elements, it is essentially of 'Southern', i.e. 'Anatolian' character. <a href="#2.">[2]</a> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">An Anatolian origin is precisely what we have to accept if we are to believe the account which a very early Ottoman text gives of a Turkish immigration from Asia Minor into the Dobruja  not in Ottoman but in pre-Ottoman times. This account relates events which happened just after Michael VIII Palaeologos had recaptured Constantinople from the Franks, in 1261, and was being helped in his Balkan campaigns by the Seljuk troops who had joined their sultan 'Izzedd+n Kaikks II, then an exile at the Byzantine court. Our account tells us how the Turkish troops were allowed to bring their folk from Seljuk Anatolia and how these nomads, having entered Byzantine territory, crossed over to Europe and settled in the Dobruja which the grateful emperor had assigned to them and where they finally became Christians. <a href="#3.">[3]</a> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">A late and very incomplete redaction of our account, made in 1599 by the Ottoman court historiographer Seyyid Loqmn, <a href="#4.">[4]</a> was first mentioned and used by J. von Hammer-Purgstall <a href="#5.">[5]</a> and subsequently published by I. J. Lagus, together with a Latin translation. <a href="#6.">[6]</a> Loqmn claims to have drawn his information from a book called O<u>gh</u>uz-name and, indeed, it comes from a work known by this name, but Loqmn has omitted the later and most revealing </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">641&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">part of the story. <a href="#7.">[7]</a> As long as he was our sole authority and his source completely unknown, doubts were justified about the value of information which is obviously to a large extent legendary in character and makes its first appearance more than 300 years after the events concerned. Some scholars, indeed, thought it better to ignore the account. <a href="#8.">[8]</a> Now, however, we not only know that it is 175 years older than Loqmn  in fact, it is only 30 years younger than the Ottoman occupation of the Dobruja, i.e. as old as an Ottoman reference to this region can be  but we also possess it in full and are thus enabled to determine its true character. <a href="#9.">[9]</a> We may therefore dismiss Loqmn and turn to his source. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">642&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">The <i>O<u>gh</u>uz-nme</i> or, as it is more often called, <i>Seljkq-nme</i>  both titles being justified by its contents  is a historical compilation, composed in Turkish by a certain Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu 'Al+ under the Ottoman Sultan Murd II (1421-51). <a href="#10.">[10]</a> In the main it is a translation of Ibn B+b+'s History of the Rkm Seljuks. The work of Ibn B+b+, finished in 1281, <a href="#11.">[11]</a> was written for the famous historian Juwain+ who, like Ibn B+b+ himself, had by family tradition followed the d+wn career. Little wonder, therefore, that the book is written in the most involved and flowery Persian of which a high chancery official was capable. The only known manuscript, <a href="#12.">[12]</a> a splendid volume written for one of the last Rkm Seljuks (Sultan Kai<u>kh</u>osrou III), is now preserved  as a waqf made by Mah</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">mkd I (1730-1754) <a href="#13.">[13]</a>  in the library of the Aya Sofya mosque, having previously been, probably for a very long time, the property of the Ottoman Sultans. The work must always have been extremely rare; for soon after its appearance it was replaced, obviously on account of its bulk and the difficulty of its language, by an excellent and very readable abridgement. <a href="#14.">[14]</a> Copies of this 'royal book' in its </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">643<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">full original form, as far as they existed at all, must have been highly treasured at the courts of the emirates which arose from the ruins of the Seljuk Sultanate. As long as the chanceries of those new states had not yet produced an <i>in<u>sh</u>a</i> literature of their own, the book was to them a priceless source of instruction and guidance. Ibn B+b+, after mentioning briefly the appearance of Sulaimn b. Qutlumu<u>sh</u> in Rkm, deliberately passes in silence over more than a century, 'for lack of information,' and begins his in general astonishingly well-founded account with the year 1192, carrying his narrative down to 1281, the very year in which he completed his work. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu 'Al+ translates from the full original version. Though he makes no attempt to fill the long gap at the beginning of Ibn B+b+ s history, he puts before it a short account of the Great Seljuks, taken from Rawandi, <a href="#15.">[15]</a> down to 471/1079, the year which he accepts as the date when Sultan Malik<u>sh</u>h sent his 'nephew' Sulaimn b. Qutlumu<u>sh</u> <a href="#16.">[16]</a> to Rkm. By means of a 'fore-runner', i.e. an interpolation in Rawandi s text which foreshadows what will follow in Ibn B+b+, the welding is so cleverly done that the reader will not easily be aware of having passed into a quite different work. <a href="#17.">[17]</a> Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu has likewise </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">644&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">added at the end a continuation <a href="#18.">[18]</a> which carries the narrative down to the first years of the 14th century, ending with a chapter on 'the situation in Rkm after the death of <u>Gh</u>zn <u>Kh</u>n' (1304). <a href="#19.">[19]</a> Here, too, 'fore-runners' inserted at the chronologically appropriate places in the later parts of Ibn B+b+'s text, ensure the continuity of the narrative. The main part of the account of our Dobruja Turks belongs to that continuation, but instalments of it appear already, long before, as 'fore-runners' carefully fitted into the body of Ibn B+b+'s text, not always without causing some slight adaptations in the latter. Furthermore, right at the beginning of his work, Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu 'Al+ has put, in the guise of an introduction, the legendary history of O<u>gh</u>uz <u>Kh</u>n and the Turkish tribes descended from him. This is entirely taken from Ra<u>sh+</u>dedd+n's <i>Jmi' et-tevr+<u>kh</u></i>, of 1310, which the translator must have used in a specially fine copy as we can see from the admirably executed tam<u>gh</u>as of the 24 O<u>gh</u>uz tribes, missing, as it seems, in almost all the manuscripts of the Persian original. <a href="#20.">[20]</a> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">645&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">The 'O<u>gh</u>uzian theme', so forcefully put forward with this introduction, permeates the entire work right to the end in the form of prose and verse interpolations on 'o<u>gh</u>uzian' matters scattered throughout the text: begs of the O<u>gh</u>uz are introduced wherever possible and their deeds, their feasts and their customs exalted in prose and in verse; the great 'Aledd+n Kaiqobd is said (in addition to what Ibn B+b+ ascribes to him) to have had full knowledge of the <i>O<u>gh</u>uz-nme</i> and the O<u>gh</u>uz lore (<i>türe</i>). <a href="#21.">[21]</a> Towards the close of the work the 'O<u>gh</u>uzian theme' becomes once more supreme, when the begs of the O<u>gh</u>uz according to their <i>türe</i> elect 'O<u>s</u>mn b. Erto<u>gh</u>rul, a descendant of Qay<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>n. <a href="#22.">[22]</a> All these interpolations are, as one can easily recognize, mere inventions <a href="#23.">[23]</a> but the emphasis accorded to the 'O<u>gh</u>uzian theme' reflects, as we shall see, a very real purpose. Apart from a parallel 'Ghz+ theme' which can here be left aside, <a href="#24.">[24]</a> there runs throughout the work yet another set of arbitrary interpolations in prose and in verse extolling the chancery official, the <i>yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></i>, and his art and stressing the importance of his position. <a href="#25.">[25]</a> Furthermore, here and there passages are inserted in praise of </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">646&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">the author's own sultan, Murd II (1421-1451), by which Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu's work can be roughly dated. <a href="#26.">[26]</a> Finally, there is an epilogue in verse: here the author gives his name and a rather enigmatic chronogram concerning the completion of the work. <a href="#27.">[27]</a> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">The chronogram has been interpreted as indicating the hijra year 827, i.e. 1424. <a href="#28.">[28]</a> In fact, there is a passage which seems to support this date. At the end of the chapter on the conquest of Antalia by Kai<u>kh</u>osrou I in 1207, we find an especially fervent prayer that 'with the help of God Sultan Murd may be victorious over his enemies and crush the tyrants, infidels, and rebels of the time.' <a href="#29.">[29]</a> In 1424 Antalia was a remote and desperately defended outpost towards which all the thoughts of a devoted Ottoman were naturally turned. We shall encounter still stronger evidence that the work was really written in the first years of Murd II's reign. <a href="#30.">[30]</a> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">As to the author, his work both in its character and in numerous points of detail gives the strong impression that he was a high official in the Ottoman chancery. His very name of <i>Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu</i>, 'Clarkson', suggests that, like Ibn B+b+ and Juwain+, he had entered the d+wn career by family tradition. Little wonder therefore that he endeavours in his work, as we have seen, to enhance the prestige of the <i>yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></i> and that he knew of, and chose to translate, a work like that of Ibn B+b+. In his translation he shows special care and skill in the rendering of the administrative formulae and technical terms as if one of his aims were to provide the Ottoman chancery with a model of style. That he was an official of importance can be inferred from the fact that the 'O<u>gh</u>uzian theme' clearly serves aims of high policy. Interpolated in Ra<u>sh+</u>dedd+n's 'Testament of O<u>gh</u>uz <u>Kh</u>n' <a href="#31.">[31]</a> is to be found the audacious declaration that </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">647&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">'Sultan Murd is by origin and <i>süngük</i> <a href="#32.">[32]</a> superior to all the <u>kh</u>n families of the other O<u>gh</u>uz as well as to the various branches of the house of Jingiz<u>kh</u>n; therefore <i><u>sh</u>ar</i>' and '<i>urf</i> demand that the Turkish and Tatar <u>kh</u>ns come to his Porte for salutation and service'. <a href="#33.">[33]</a> In justification of this Ottoman claim there follows at once the vaticination of the sage Qorqud Ata to the effect that 'the <u>kh</u>nship shall in the end return to the Qay<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> from whose hands no one shall take it away' <a href="#34.">[34]</a> - which, of course, implies that 'Qay<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>' stands for 'Ottoman', though this becomes clear only towards the end of the book, in the chapter on 'O<u>s</u>mn's election. <a href="#35.">[35]</a> Here a political programme is laid down in which tendencies, timidly appearing as early as in the time of Murd I, <a href="#36.">[36]</a> are developed into a precise and most ambitious ideology, destined at first for the ' innermost circle' only. To be the instigator of such a programme, or even only the formulator of its 'scientific' and literary expression, Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu must surely have been a great official in close touch with the sultan. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">Having formed an idea of the author <a href="#37.">[37]</a> and his work, we can now turn to his account of the Dobruja Turks. I summarize it as briefly as possible and divide it into paragraphs in order to facilitate the commentary. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">648&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <blockquote><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 1. &#39;Izzedd+n Kaikks II (who by decision of the Mongol overlord rules over the western half of the Sultanate whereas the eastern half obeys his brother Ruknedd+n), feeling himself threatened by his brother and the latter's Mongol protectors, flees with his family and household to Antalia and from there by ship to Constantinople (<i>Istanbkl</i>). His army makes a fighting retreat to Sivrihisar and the border region, crosses into Byzantine territory, and finally joins the sultan in Constantinople. The sultan and his warriors find favour with the basileus (<i>fsilyevs</i>) whom they valiantly help against his enemies. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 2. <a href="#38.">[38]</a> One day the sultan and one of his generals complain to the basileus that being Turks they cannot endure town life for ever; if they were given a dwelling in the country-side, they could summon their nomad families from Anatolia. The basileus gives them the Dobruja (<i>Dobruja-éli</i>) as abode and they send word secretly to the nomad clans to which they belong. Whereupon their kinsfolk descend in large numbers from the mountains to Iznik and then cross over at Üsküdar. &#39;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q of blessed memory too crossed over with them.' Soon there exist in the Dobruja two or three Moslim towns and 30-40 <i>oba</i> (clans) of Turkish nomads. These Turks ward off the enemies of the basileus and destroy them. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 3. During a banquet (in Constantinople) the sultan is urged by his friends to profit by the strength of his followers and overthrow the basileus. This being reported to the latter, he orders one of the two Turkish army chiefs to be killed and the other blinded, and pardons only those of the Turkish soldiers who accept baptism. The sultan and his two &#39;older&#39; sons, Mas&#39;kd and Kaykmer<u>th</u>, are imprisoned in a fortress. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 4. The sultan&#39;s mother, &#39;a sister of the basileus,&#39; together with two younger sons of Kaikks, is kept in the palace of the basileus. Later she is sent to Karaferia (<i>Qara-Vérya</i>) where she is granted the tolls which are levied at the Anaqap<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>s<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>  i.e. the 'Mother Gate' as it is therefore called still nowadays. The two young princes receive the governorship (<i>subash<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>l<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q</i>) of the town. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 5. The sultan is liberated from his fortress prison by the Tatars of the <u>kh</u>n of the Golden Horde, Berke <u>kh</u>n, who gives him hospitality in the Crimea. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 6. The sultan&#39;s mother, on hearing the false Rkmour that her son has perished on his flight, throws herself from the tower which flanks the 'Mother Gate'. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 7. After this the basileus gives Karaferia to the elder of the two princes and takes the younger one into his palace. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 8. Kaikks feels deeply grieved on the death of his mother and the captivity of his sons in the hands of the basileus.</font></blockquote> <font face="Palatino Linotype">649&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <blockquote><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 9. <a href="#39.">[39]</a> Berke <u>kh</u>n transfers the Turks of the Dobruja, 'and with them&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q,' into the steppe (<i>de<u>sh</u>t</i>).</font></blockquote> <font face="Palatino Linotype">At this point the story seems to finish and, indeed, Loqmn's version stops here. Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu, however, resumes the story, much later, with a short interpolation in Ibn B+b+'s last chapter, where the latter tells how after 'Izzedd+n Kaikks' death in the Crimea, in 679/1280, Mas'kd is acclaimed as his successor (for he, like his brother Kaykmer<u>th</u>, is present at his father's deathbed) and prepares to return to Anatolia by ship. </font> <blockquote><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 10. When Mas&#39;kd asks for and obtains permission to cross over to Rkm,&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q, on the order of Berke <u>Kh</u>n, leads the nomad folk (<i>göcher&nbsp;él</i>) with all their cattle overland back to ' their abode', to <i>Dobruja&nbsp;éli</i>. <a href="#40.">[40]</a> 'Their story shall be told in detail at its proper place.'</font></blockquote> <font face="Palatino Linotype">The next instalment follows immediately the last chapter of Ibn B+b+ whose history ends with Mas'kd's arrival in Rkm, his journey to the Mongol Court where he is recognized as ruler of the eastern half of the Sultanate (the western half being left to his cousin Kai<u>kh</u>osrou III b. Ruknedd+n). <a href="#41.">[41]</a> In this chapter Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu has made a number of interpolations; <i>inter alia</i> he adds to the territories now subject to Mas'kd 'all the lands until the frontier region of Izniq', since in view of what follows he feels obliged to represent him as an immediate neighbour of the Byzantines. </font> <blockquote><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 11. In order to learn about his brothers and the Turks in Rkmeli, Mas'kd sends ambassadors to the basileus Palseologos (<i>fsilyevs BallMo<u>ghM</u>s</i> <a href="#42.">[42]</a>) who replies as follows: one of your brothers stays with me, the other at Karaferia where he is invested with the government (<i>beylik</i>) of that country. As to the Rumeli Turks, some of them have joined him, the others have remained in the Dobruja. <a href="#43.">[43]</a> This news reassures the sultan. Of the tribute which the basileus pays from of old, he (now) sends one-third to the Mongol <u>kh</u>n, one-third to Mas'kd, and one-third to <u>Gh</u>iya<u>th</u>edd+n (Kai<u>kh</u>osrou III). </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 12. Matters continue like this for a fairly long time. The Turks in the Dobruja remain there with&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q. Then Mas'kd's brother who was with the emperor (<i>tekvur</i>) tries, together with some Turks, to escape. However, he is arrested and imprisoned. The Patriarch, 'that is to say the caliph of</font></blockquote> <font face="Palatino Linotype">650&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <blockquote><font face="Palatino Linotype">the Infidels', <a href="#44.">[44]</a> asks the basileus (<i>fsilyevs</i>) to grant him the prince. He obtains him. baptizes him, and makes him a monk. The prince is for some time at the Hagia Sophia (<i>y SMfya</i>) in the service of the Patriarch. Then&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q asks the Patriarch for him, and as the Patriarch knows&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q to be a holy man, he sends the prince to him. There, after a while, the prince returns to Islam and becomes a dervish in the service of&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q. <a href="#45.">[45]</a> One day the supernatural power, which&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q as a shepherd had received from the holy Mah</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">mkd&nbsp;H</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ayrn of Aq<u>sh</u>ehir, is transmitted to him and the name of <i>Baraq</i> ('dog') bestowed on him. He is sent to Sultan+ye where 'still nowadays' his sanctuary exists. The <i>Baraq+</i> are his disciples. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 13. As to the Muslims at Karaferia, being tired of life among the Infidels, they migrate to Anatolia across the sea. The prince and his son live and die at Karaferia as Muslims, but the children of the latter are baptized on the order of the basileus in the year of his coming to Salonica. It is from one of their descendants, a certain L+zaqMs, that the town is taken (by the Ottomans) in the time of the grandfather of our Sultan. This L+zaqMs and his brothers, all valiant infidel warriors, are transferred to Zikhna and L+zaqMs, the eldest of them, is made governor (<i>suba<u>sh<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></u></i>) of that place. In Sultan Byez+d's campaign against Malatia and Erzinjan, L+zaqMs and his brothers are with the army. L+zaqMs, having suffered many hardships and difficulties in these two campaigns, on his return renounces his office and asks for a diploma of exemption (<i>müsellemlik&nbsp;</i>h</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype"><i>ükmü</i>) for himself and for his brothers. When Sultan Byez+d learns that they are of Seljuk origin, he grants them the privilege. L+zaqMs dies at Zikhna as a monk. 'His brothers and their sons are still nowadays at Zikhna and pay neither <i><u>kh</u>arj</i> (here: poll-tax) nor <i>onda</i> (tithe). Recently they have secured the renewal of their diploma. One of them is called D+mitr+ Sul</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">t#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">n, the other M+<u>khM</u> Sul</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">t#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">n. That's all (<i>wa's-salam</i>).' <a href="#46.">[46]</a></font></blockquote> <font face="Palatino Linotype">651&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">Again, some pages later, in the chapter headed 'Rest of the story of 'Aledd+n Kaiqobd b. Fermurz, nephew of Sultan Mas'kd, and conquest of Bilejik by 'O<u>s</u>mn b. Erto<u>gh</u>rul, King of the Ghazis', the Dobruja Turks reappear. Following the story of 'O<u>s</u>mn's election as <u>kh</u>n and the conquest of Bilejik in 699/1300, Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu speaks of the increasing immigration of Turks from the Anatolian interior into the lands of 'O<u>s</u>mn, into Ayd<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>n and Qaras<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> (i.e. the Troas), adding with regard to the last-named: </font> <blockquote><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 14. Those in Rkmeli, the Muslims dwelling in the Dobruja, tired of the Infidels, emigrate to Qaras<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>.</font></blockquote> <font face="Palatino Linotype">This is repeated and amplified in Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu's last chapter, 'The events after the death of <u>Gh</u>zn <u>Kh</u>n', following a short account of the situation in Anatolia after the appearance of Timurta<u>sh</u> b. Em+r <u>ChM</u>ban in 1318. </font> <blockquote><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 15. At this time, the Muslims dwelling in Rumeli, in the Dobruja, join <u>Kh</u>al+l Eje and go over by ship to Qaras<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>, for in the troubled state of Anatolia no more news comes through from there. And in Rumeli the Bulgarian princes rise up and get the better of the basileus. They occupy the major part of Rumeli. That is why those (Muslims), tired of them, emigrate and go over to Anatolia. 'As to those who remained in Rumeli, after the death of&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q their race renounced the faith and forgot it.' <a href="#47.">[47]</a></font></blockquote> <font face="Palatino Linotype">A number of general observations must be made before entering a detailed analysis of the account. It covers a period of much more than a century (from about 1261 to about 1395), which made it necessary to give it in instalments at the chronologically appropriate places. As a whole, the account fills in the MS. Topkapi Sarayi, Revan K., No. 1391, eleven pages (out of more than 900), of which seven pages, containing the §§ 1-9, occupy as a solid block ff. 373b-376b, and three pages, §§ 11-13, as another block, ff. 415a-416a, whereas the rest, the §§ 10, 14, and 15, appear as small passages on ff. 41 Ib, (about) 430, and 444a respectively. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">652&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">The account falls visibly into four different stories: that of (1) 'Izzedd+n Kaikks, (2) the Dobruja Turks, (3) the Karaferia family, (4)&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q and Baraq. Of these four stories that of 'Izzedd+n Kaikks derives from Ibn B+b+: in §§ 1 and 5 the original is rendered exactly and in §§ 3, 4, 6, and 8 with some adaptations which can easily be established by comparison with the Persian text and will later be noted and discussed. For the other three stories we have no source at hand, nevertheless, we can say that these, too, must have undergone similar adjustments, since Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu had to knit all these stories together into a tolerably consistent narrative. The story of&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q and Baraq (§ 12) stands out as a unity, though it is announced by small &#39;fore-runners&#39; in the preceding §§ 2, 9, and 10 (&#39;and&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q with them&#39;), preparing the reader for the holy man&#39;s presence in the Dobruja, and other &#39;fore-runners&#39; in §§ 4, 7, 8, and 11, introducing the future Baraq, and still finds an echo in § 15 (S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q's death). This use of 'fore-runners' and the isolated occurrence of <i>tekvur</i> instead of <i>fsilyevs</i>, let alone its strictly hagiographic character, indicate for this story a separate origin. Similarly distinct is the Karaferia story, represented by § 13, with &#39;fore-runners&#39; in §§ 4,6, 7, 8, and 11. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">The Karaferia story is of pre-eminent importance because it provides, itself, the means to understand how Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu got hold of it and to assess its true character, and also because it links the whole account with the author's own time. The story was obviously told to him by the two brothers from Zikhna when, after the accession of Murd II in 1421, they came to the capital, i.e. Adrianople, in order to have their privilege renewed at the chancery. Such a renewal was due at the beginning of each new reign. Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu says that it was made 'recently', which gives very strong support to the acceptance of 1424 as the date of his work <a href="#48.">[48]</a>; it also conveys the impression that he had personally dealt with the matter. One thing is fairly certain: the Seljuk origin of the family was mentioned in their diploma since, as we are expressly told, it was for this reason that Byez+d I had granted the privilege. Without claiming literal accuracy, we may imagine how Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu met D+mitr+ Sul</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">t#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">n and M+<u>khM</u> Sul</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">t#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">n: when the request for the renewal of this certainly exceptional privilege was laid before the chief of the chancery, i.e. as we assume, Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu himself, the translator of Ibn B+b+ would hardly have missed such an occasion to converse with descendants of the Seljuks; surely he summoned these interesting visitors to his presence in order to hear from them as much as possible of their story. After this we can have no doubt as to the character of the Karaferia story; it is oral tradition, handed down from generation to generation in a family claiming royal origin  indeed, the two brothers put 'sultan' after their names  a story certainly not to be entirely believed but neither to be entirely rejected. There is one point in it which strikes us at once: the relation in which it sets the Turks of Karaferia and Zikhna with those </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">653&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">of the Dobruja (§ 11)  let us recall that Karaferia and Zikhna are two of the three places where Gagauz are found outside the Dobruja. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">Lastly, the Dobruja story (§§ 2, 9, 10, 14, and 15) provides us likewise with a clue concerning its provenance and value: it is obviously a tradition kept alive in those families of Qaras<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> which descended from the Dobruja Turks. As we shall see, such families can be assumed to have existed and even to have played no small role in early Ottoman history. Some connexion must have subsisted with their former abode, for they call it 'Dobruja-éli', i.e. by the name it received only half a century after they had left it. <a href="#49.">[49]</a> Again, one point strikes us at once: the mention of Turks who stayed on in the Dobruja and there lost their Muslim faith, i.e. became Christians. This refers beyond any doubt to our Gagauz. The last paragraph (§ 15) would by itself already make it sufficiently clear that the Dobruja Turks had come from Anatolia  for, when they arrived, they were Muslims, and so were also the Dobruja Turks who joined the Seljuk prince at Karaferia (§ 11). From both places &#39;Muslims&#39; are said to have returned to Anatolia (§ 13 and §§ 14-15), evidently in both cases to Qaras<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> across the Dardanelles; this gives to understand that some of their kinsfolk had renounced Islam and stayed behind, as indeed the §§ 13 and 15 clearly show. There can be no doubt that the essential contents of § 2 come from the Qaras<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> tradition, which must have recorded explicitly the Anatolian origin of the Turks of the Dobruja and the main facts concerning their immigration there, above all the name of the Sultan whose exile in Constantinople had given rise to the whole adventure. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">In fact, 'Izzedd+n Kaikks must somehow have appeared also in the two other stories, as Baraq's father in the one and as ancestor of the Karaferia family in the other  without mention of his stay in the Byzantine empire and his subsequent escape both stories would remain incomprehensible. Thus, Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu had a good reason to work the three stories into Ibn B+b+'s account of 'Izzedd+n and to knit them together as closely as possible. How he proceeded will be seen by the separate analysis of each paragraph. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 1. As already stated, this is a faithful rendering of Ibn B+b+. <a href="#50.">[50]</a> There is no need here for a discussion of the facts since they are well known from the Byzantine historians, <a href="#51.">[51]</a> who on the whole are in agreement with Ibn B+b+. However, the latter shows 'Izzedd+n as sailing directly to Istanbul, whereas </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">654&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">from Pachymeres it becomes quite clear that the sultan reached the imperial court (probably at Nymphaeum) before Constantinople was retaken from the Franks (25th July, 1261) and only entered the capital afterwards (probably in the retinue of the emperor who always kept him at his side). This mistake of the Seljuk author, who in general is well informed, must not astonish us: once the fugitive Sultan was beyond the frontiers genuine information about him was no longer available at Konia. Of course, also in exile he remained an object of interest  but news was rare, vague, belated  sometimes mere rumour. Ibn B+b+'s entire account of the 'Izzedd+n episode is mixed with romance <a href="#52.">[52]</a> and may well be due to the tales of the late sultan's servants who had returned with Mas'kd. Therefore the somewhat later Byzantines are here not only more explicit but also more trustworthy than the strictly contemporary Seljuk author. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 2. No trace of this is found in Ibn B+b+, a fact which was used to discredit the entire information given in this paragraph <a href="#53.">[53]</a>  as if the chancery in Konia either would or could care about nomad movements on a distant frontier. As we have said, Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu relies here on the genuine, oral Qaras<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> tradition, but in order to link it closely with the preceding passage he introduces a meeting of the basileus with the sultan and one of his generals. It is in the form of their complaint to Michael VIII that we learn about the general situation. They describe it admirably: how understandable, indeed, that the Turkish soldiers who now fought for the emperor did not like the idea of spending their life, far from their families, in barracks. Recruited among nomads, they naturally desired that their clans should be near them. As Michael VIII's campaigns were fought at that time exclusively in the Balkans, the kinsfolk of these Turkish troops had to be brought to Europe though, if possible, not into a Byzantine province. To assign to them the Dobruja was the ideal solution: this 'corridor' through which the Tatars of the Golden Horde again and again swept down for deep incursions into the Balkans, was nominally part of Bulgaria but in reality more or less a no-man's-land. Besides, Michael VIII was on bad terms with the Bulgarian's and as 'restorer of the empire' would not have hesitated to dispose of a territory once Byzantine, though actually not in his possession. Immediately after the reconquest of Constantinople he had re-established Byzantine control of the Danube delta, where Vicina was an outlying possession, communicating with the empire only by sea. <a href="#54.">[54]</a> To back this outpost by filling its hinterland, the Dobruja, with warlike allies and to erect there an obstacle against the Tatar incursions was excellent policy. The nomads, on their part, would slip into the Bulgarian Dobruja as inconsiderately as they had crossed the Byzantine-Seljuk frontier  and again, of course, no </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">655&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">(this time Byzantine) source would take notice of their movement. <a href="#55.">[55]</a> Our text says expressly that the immigrants, in their new abode, had to fight with the emperor's enemies and overwhelmed them. The figures it ascribes to them are no more than a way of saying: numerous. As already stated, the mention of&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q is here but a 'fore-runner' of the&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q-Baraq story. On the other hand, the latter as well as the Karaferia story must also have contained something about the Dobruja Turks whose existence they presuppose. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 3. Here the account returns to Ibn B+b+ but with the addition: '(two) older (sons)' and the omission of the 'mother'. <a href="#56.">[56]</a> The addition is made in view of the Karaferia as well as the Baraq story, each of which presupposes a prince left behind for good. Since Ibn B+b+ later shows Mas'kd and Kaykmer<u>th</u> as present in the Crimea at their father's death (though he does not say how they came there), Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu had to present them as the 'older' princes (leaving the reader to infer their escape with 'Izzedd+n) and to invent the two younger sons of § 4. The mother, on the other hand, had to be omitted here since she was needed for the Karaferia story (§ 4). </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 4. First instalment of the Karaferia story: here we find the &#39;mother&#39; left out in the preceding paragraph; she is described as &#39;a sister of the basileus&#39; which does not come from Ibn B+b+ and is certainly not true; we know, however, that she was a Christian. <a href="#57.">[57]</a> One of the two princes is evidently only a 'fore-runner' of the Baraq story. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">The linking of Ibn B+b+'s account with the Karaferia story was obviously facilitated, and even perhaps suggested, by the occurrence in the latter of the <i>Anaqap<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>s<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></i>, the 'Mother-Gate', thus named because the tolls collected there had been assigned to 'Izzedd+n's mother. But how, in a Byzantine town, should a gate bear a Turkish name? Clearly, <i>anaqap<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>s<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></i> must represent something Greek. In a text of 1219 we see tenants (in this case: of vineyards) liable to make to </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">656&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">their landlord an annual payment called <i>anacapsi</i>. <a href="#58.">[58]</a> No doubt, the gate in Karaferia, where 'tolls' were levied, was the place where the peasants had to deliver to the landlord (residing in the town) their annual due, the <i>anacapsi</i>, and was therefore called 'Anacapsi-Gate', a name which inevitably had to become in Turkish <i>Anaqap<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>s<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></i>. In this Turkish form the gate assumed an important role in the Karaferia story  it is even possible that the figure of the 'mother', who is the 'sister of the basileus', is entirely derived from <i>Anakap<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>s<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></i>. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 5. Ibn B+b+ unchanged. <a href="#59.">[59]</a> As to the facts told by Ibn B+b+ in § 3 and in this passage, they are again in general confirmed by the Byzantine and some other sources though concerning the details these sources are at variance with Ibn B+b+ as well as with each other. <a href="#60.">[60]</a> 'Izzedd+n's liberation by Berke <u>Kh</u>n's Tatars appears to have taken place towards 1265. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 6. Ibn B+b+, <a href="#61.">[61]</a> but adapted to the Karaferia story: the tower from which the mother throws herself is in the original the tower of the fortress where she shares the captivity of her grandsons Mas'kd and Kaykmer<u>th</u>. To locate the suicide at the <i>Anakap<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>s<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></i> is little short of explaining the name of the gate by this dramatic event. This, however, Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu does not do  obviously out of respect for the Karaferia tradition, where the name <i>Anakap<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>s<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></i> already had an explanation (§ 4), though a much less romantic one. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 7. The Karaferia and Baraq stories combined. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 8. Ibn B+b+. <a href="#62.">[62]</a> Only whereas he speaks of the captivity of two sons (i.e. Mas'kd and Kaykmer<u>th</u>), Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu tacitly understands by the 'two sons' the two younger princes of his invention. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§§ 9 and 10. This emigration from and re-emigration into the Dobruja may seem at first to be nothing but an invention of Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu intended to keep the Dobruja story in step with that of 'Izzedd+n. If it be an invention, how admirably does it fit into the context! For 'Izzedd+n, as Ibn B+b+ shows him, resided in the Crimea with many followers, all endowed with fiefs by </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">657&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">Berke Khn, which presupposes that many of the Turkish soldiers had been able to make their way to him. Since their escape route led through the Dobruja their kinsfolk there were informed of what was happening. Soon there was again a Turkish army  this time in the Crimea  wanting to have their clans near them  a desire which, of course, needed Berke Khn's agreement to be fulfilled. However, certainly not all the nomads will have left the Dobruja since, according to Gregoras, <a href="#63.">[63]</a> many of their young men were still fighting as Tourkopouloi under the emperor's banners (having accepted baptism). That after 'Izzedd+n's death in 1280 it should have been Berke Khn who ordered the nomads back to the Dobruja, is of course an anachronism  he had died in 1266. The mention of&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q in both paragraphs is nothing but a 'forerunner' of the Baraq story. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">That such a migration to and from the Crimea did take place finds strong support in Pachymeres <a href="#64.">[64]</a> who, dealing with the Tourkopouloi in the years soon after 1300, describes them as Christians of only recent date and only recently arrived in the empire 'from the Northern regions'. Furthermore, when mentioning their defection to the Catalans in 1307 and the possible reasons thereof, he speaks of their fear that the emperor might yield to the demand of the <u>kh</u>n of the Golden Horde who wanted them back as his subjects. <a href="#65.">[65]</a> The <u>kh</u>n must therefore have had a real claim upon them, and one which was of fairly recent date. On the other hand, Gregoras says that the Tourkopouloi were those Turkish soldiers who after the sultan's flight stayed on in the empire; they were baptized and enrolled in the army, <a href="#66.">[66]</a> their numbers being maintained by their own offspring. <a href="#67.">[67]</a> To a certain degree he may be right: undoubtedly there were isolated groups of Turkish soldiers who being posted to various duties were unable to leave the empire with the sultan  but the bulk of the 'Seljuk army in exile' must, at the critical moment, have been in winter quarters (the Tatars had come over the frozen Danube!), i.e. with or near their families  as we assume in the Dobruja  and could therefore join their sultan. They may have remained with the Tatars for some time after 'Izzedd+n's death; when at length they returned, for whatever reason, the emperor accepted them no longer as a 'Seljuk army in exile' but as a regular corps of his army, i.e. as Byzantine, Christian soldiers. Significantly enough this corps is not mentioned before the events of 1307 in which, as we shall see, it played a considerable role. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">658&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 11. Karaferia and Baraq stories combined. To link this paragraph to the account of Mas&#39;kd's accession in Rkm, Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu makes the latter send ambassadors to the basileus. Thus the narrative is given in the form of the emperor's reply to Mas'kd's inquiry. Though intended as a mere bridge leading to the Baraq and Karaferia stories, the passage contains none the less the very important information that some of the Dobruja Turks had joined the prince in Karaferia. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 12. The Baraq story. It would need, and deserve, a separate study. My commentary (like my summary) is confined to what is strictly relevant to our purpose. Chronologically the story is remarkably sound: Sheikh Mah</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">mkd&nbsp;H</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ayrn died at Aq<u>sh</u>ehir in 1268-9 <a href="#68.">[68]</a>, so that&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q can easily have been his disciple before going to the Dobruja shortly after 1261; after something like fifteen years spent in the <i>de<u>sh</u>t</i> (-<i>i Q<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>p<u>ch</u>aq</i>),&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q returns to the Dobruja in about 1280 (§ 10) and stays there until his death, soon after 1300 (§ 15). As to Baraq, he is supposed to be at the time of &#39;Izzedd+n's escape, in 1265, old enough to become, conjointly with his brother,  subash<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> of Karaferia; on the other hand, he is then still under his grandmother&#39;s tutelage (§ 4)  all this, however, has to be cut out as a product of Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu's desire to co-ordinate the separate stories; once he had introduced the  two younger sons he had to keep them together as long as possible. Surely, the prince of the original Baraq story had nothing to do with Karaferia but was in the emperor's palace from the beginning until his attempt to escape. According to Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu this attempt was made some time after Mas'kd's inquiry. This leads to the of course completely fictitious date: some time after 1280  which, however, fits well into the frame of the story; after 1280&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q is indeed again in the Dobruja, so that the prince can join him there to become the ecstatic dervish Baraq. As such, he is known to have played an important role at the Mongol court in Sultn+ye under Öljaitu and to have perished in G+ln in 1307-8, </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">659&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">leaving behind him disciples <a href="#69.">[69]</a>. The name of Baraq is just about 1300, and still later, not uncommon both for men and women <a href="#70.">[70]</a>. The account of how our Baraq received supernatural powers <a href="#71.">[71]</a> may be suspected to be nothing more than an explanation of the name: one day&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q vomits a lump which once Sheikh&nbsp;H</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ayrn had spat into his mouth, and the prince, in a fit of ecstasy, swallows it.&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q caresses him and calls him <i>bara<u>gh<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></u>m</i> ('my dog'). </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">Most interesting for our present study is the fact that Baraq presents a Christian as well as a Muslim aspect: born a Muslim prince, he is baptized and becomes a monk in the patriarch's retinue, only to end as the founder of a mystic dervish order. The same is true also for&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q: he appears on the one hand as the spiritual leader of the Muslim nomad Turks and on the other hand is regarded by the patriarch as a saintly man to whom unhesitatingly he entrusts the newly converted prince. This Christian aspect of&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q is clearly recognized in a fetwa of Abu 's-Su'ud, which has just come to light <a href="#72.">[72]</a>. This outstanding scholar and sheikhulislam of the 16th century describes&nbsp;S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">ar<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom> S</font><font face="Arial Unicode MS">#</font><font face="Palatino Linotype">alt<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>q as 'a Christian monk (<i>ke<u>sh+sh</u></i>) who by ascetism has become a skeleton'. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">This wavering between the two religions is characteristic of the entire account which time and again, though with much reticence, records cases of conversions to Christianity, or rather apostasy from Islam, some of them only temporary. Historically, the principal figure of the account, Sultan 'Izzedd+n himself, appears in the same ambiguous light. His mother is described by Pachymeres, as we have seen, as a pious Christian woman <a href="#73.">[73]</a>. To the same author we owe a detailed account of the trial instigated in 1266 (shortly after 'Izzedd+n's flight) by Michael VIII against the inflexible Patriarch Arsenios, a trial in which the Patriarch's indulgence towards 'Izzedd+n, his sons and followers, played a great role. Pachymeres records, among other things, as one point of </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">660&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">the accusation, that Arsenios had ordered  his own monk to admit the Seljuk princes to the holy communion <a href="#74.">[74]</a>, and as the main argument of the Patriarch's defence, that in regarding the sultan and his sons as Christians he had acted upon the testimony of the bishop of Pisidia <a href="#75.">[75]</a>. While Pachymeres reproduces the <i> procès-verbal</i> of the trial, Gregoras reflects a shorter popular version, which as such is for our purpose perhaps even more valuable. According to Gregoras; the Patriarch was accused of having admitted the sultan to the holy ceremonies and of having conversed with him inside the house of God  although, says the author, the emperor and the clergy knew very well what 'Izzedd+n had declared: that he was the son of Christian parents and had himself received the holy baptism, that he had become sultan of the Turks by the whim of fortune only, but even then had always cherished in secret the essentials of the faith, and that now in Constantinople he was openly adoring the sacred icons and celebrating all the rites of the Christians <a href="#76.">[76]</a>. As a matter of fact, we shall soon meet a son of 'Izzedd+n, Melik Konstantinos, who is described as a perfect Christian, Byzantine gentleman. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">§ 13. Main part of the Karaferia story, introduced already by §§ 4, 6, 7, and 11. In addition to what Yaz<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>j<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>o<u>gh</u>lu reproduces it must have contained its own version of 'Izzedd+n&#39;s stay with and escape from the Byzantines. The  mother who is the sister of the basileus and is given the tolls levied at the  Mother-Gate belongs to the Karaferia story  perhaps, as we have seen (§ 4), nothing but an invention derived from the  Anacapsi-Gate changed into <i>Ana-qap<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom>s<img SRC="i_k.jpg" height=17 width=8 align=bottom></i>. Her suicide clearly comes from Ibn B+b+ though it has been transferred to Karaferia (§ 6). That she is the mother of &#39;Izzedd+n, and thus the grandmother of the prince, is probably a further concession to Ibn B+b+: in a story of this kind and in view of the  Mother-Gate one would rather expect her to be the prince&#39;s mother  a Byzantine princess married to the sultan and left behind with her son (one son, since the other, Baraq, has to be dismissed). However this may be, the Karaferia family appears as claiming descent not only from the Seljuk sultans but also from the Palæologi. </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">The family has its own following: Turks from the Dobruja had joined them at Karaferia but the  Muslims are said to have returned at a certain moment to Anatolia, the  non-Muslims , as it is implied, remaining at Karaferia  obviously they had become Christians. Astonishingly, the conversion of their leaders, the prince's family, is said to have taken place only later, in the generation of the prince's grandsons and  in the year when the basileus came to Salonica . </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">This last indication must mean Andronikos III's entry into Thessalonica in January 1328, when the citadel, loyal to the old emperor Andronikos II, held out until the defenders themselves, seeing that all hope had gone, forced their </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">661&nbsp;<img SRC="line.gif" height=2 width=600> </font> <p><font face="Palatino Linotype">commandant to accept the amnesty offered by the victor and to yield. That stubborn commandant was a certain Georgios Lyzikos of Berrhoia (Verria), i.e. of our (Kara-)Feria <a href="#77.">[77]</a>. As to his family name, it is undoubtedly identical with the name of L+zaqMs borne by the chief of the Karaferia family who surrenders his town, some sixty years later, to Byez+d&#39;